First I would like to congratulate the author for his enormous efforts in investigation and documentation in order to substantiate solid conclusions. Given the immense volume of cases and facts, absolute precision cannot be expected but there is sufficient to achieve a convincing illustration of the principal hypothesis. This work compliments other works of diverse themes and subjects and also paves the way for unedited information that we can be certain others will pass on and expand upon.

The most significant conclusion deals with the dimension of repression in Mexico, and in the words of the author, "The information obtained is sufficient to conclude that violence and lack of respect for human rights worsened greatly during the Carlos Salinas de Gortari regime".

Another conclusion is, and I quote "...the fact that the Mexican government would develop an uncontrolled capitalism and accelerate the process of economic and commercial integration with the North, which multiplied the focal points of political and social tensions. To resolve these contradictions, the PRI government has implemented a veritable dirty war against groups and individuals who oppose the politics of the system. Two sources of conflict are notable for the quantity of blood spilled in their names; drug trafficking and the war for democracy. In both the co-responsibility of the U.S. government is obvious."

He also asks that "in acknowledging differences we support democratic battles, as much in the electoral process as in the social process, until we dissolve the dictatorship of the single party system". And he affirms that "Democracy cannot develop without establishing a system of parties with respect for a free trade union, the peaceful transfer of power, and a truly republican regime founded on the experience and identity of the Mexican people. True economic development cannot happen without first having democracy; the projects in which political, social, economic, and human rights are not considered, do not and can not, in principal or in fact, support the well being of Mexicans."

Finally, and though he only treats the subject marginally, the author comments on how the war on drug trafficking in Mexican territory has considerably inflamed violence, rather than reducing it, and has generated a culture of impunity, espionage and multiple violations of human rights.

Mario Rojas Alba, from Michoacán by birth and from Morelos by adoption, is of necessity a political exile in Canada. His professional development as a doctor has made him sensitive to the physical and psychological sufferings of his fellow human beings; trained in the culture for the preservation of healthy life, he rebels against the cultivators of death, harm, and torture, either for money or for power. His vocation for public and humanitarian service has converted him into a public crusader  who is neither intimidated by the corruptions of power nor the temptations of convenience. Through his convictions, he combats the impunity of autocrats and their leaders. He combats lying and pretense as a form of government. This book exhibits both talent and a timely message.

In Cuernavaca in 1988 to the utter surprise of many, his opposition candidacy won, cleanly and by a wide margin, the mandate of his fellow citizens to become their federal representative. His performance of this duty was singularly efficient; he served his country with openness and honesty. In this new effort he heralds truth, illuminates the gutters and cellars of the political system, and airs the moral and social putrefaction and decomposition of public power. Being from Morelos, I am particularly offended by the chain of murders and disgraceful criminal acts that have been carried out by public power and the state authorities of the past administration. Because of its importance, and in this case its documentation, one series of events in particular stands out: the disappearance (and apparent homicide) of José Ramón García Gómez, on December 16th 1988; immediately following this, the massacre in the indigenous territory of Xoxocotla in January 1989; the unprecedentedly vicious and cruel torturings and murders in Amilcingo; the implication of involvement in these by the police and judicial groups headed by the infamous criminal, Apolo Bernabé Ríos and his bosses; culminating with the suspicious death in October 1991, of the grandson and namesake of the illustrious General Zapatista Genovevo de la O. It is not surprising that Mario Rojas Alba asked for and received political asylum in Canada. Also the historical parallels and the complicity of the present administrations, federal and state, have caused a loss of support from the people of Morelos and visitors there, who are in an extreme state of insecurity, defenselessness and ungovernability. The government's loss of moral authority, the level of terrorism and impunity, the magnitude of the fundamental moral and political crisis, and the aberrant administration of justice have destroyed civil rights, the trust of the citizenry, and the national reputation.

Aguas Blancas, Huejotzingo, Tepoztlán, Ocosingo, are all irrefutable proof of the lack of change in the style of governance. Colosio, Ruíz Massieu, Elorrega, are victims of crimes of the State. We want to be a beacon in the wilderness, but darkness exists in our own homes. We speak out for change, but we don’t change. Honor and honesty are absent in the electoral, political, economic, and administrative processes. Blood and filth are the daily diet of Mexicans who survive in these turbulent times.

Mario Rojas Alba reminds us of this undeniable truth. The hands can change but they remain filthy.

We salute him warmly and give him our heartfelt appreciation.

English Translated by Suzanne Becque
becque@acadia.net
http://members.tripod.com/suzannebecque/index.htm

NOTA

*El Ingeniero y Licenciado Marcos Manuel Suárez Ruíz, es catedrático de la UNAM, jurista, ex Presidente del Tribunal Superior de Justicia, ex Secretario General de Gobierno, empresario mexicano de corte progresista y uno de los pocos militantes del PRI dispuestos al diálogo y al debate público de la ideas.

Index. Tlahui-Politic No. 2