VIOLENCE AGAINST ELECTED OFFICIALS AND
OTHER OPPOSITION POLITICAL LEADERS IN MEXICO. II/III

Mario Rojas Alba

Files in the box of the impunity
Preliminary Summary: 1988-1992

Quebec Committee for Human Rights in Mexico (QCHRM)

II/III. Cases like the one involving Mario Rojas are more numerous than most people would think. For each killing there have usually been many previous acts of intimidation and violence. It is impossible to specify the number of people murdered for political reasons and even more complicated to determine the number of times that politically motivated attempts have been made on people's lives or that other human-rights violations have occurred in a given country.

Considering that there exists a flesh-and-blood human being behind every statistical figure, the QCHRM treats such data with extreme care and respect. As much as possible, the organization attempts to put a human face on each of the statistics that it presents. Human life and suffering should not be measured with the same coldness that characterizes statistics on national production.

The Mexican government and its party (the PRI) perpetrate many kinds of human-rights abuses against political and social opponents at all different levels, including grass-roots, local, regional, state, and national leaders. Repression is presently very common against elected officials: local officials, mayors, members of Local Congress, members of Federal Congress, and senators, as well as other leaders and candidates on all levels.

The majority of experts on human rights in Mexico agree that human-rights violations against grass-roots activists occur more frequently than violations against political leaders. However, given the far-larger number of grass-roots activists, the relative percentage of violations against political leaders may be higher than in the case of the activists.

Furthermore, paradoxical as it may seem, less is known about violations against political leaders, though they normally have easier access to the media. The reasons why such violations do not receive publicity or are even concealed by the media will have to be investigated in a more in-depth study.

Mario Rojas, as a member of the QCHRM, has prepared a preliminary list of publicly elected officials and other opposition leaders who have suffered different forms of human-rights abuses: attempted murder with a firearm or other means; physical aggression, assault and battery, torture; property damage, simulated robbery, and the organization of biased legal proceedings; abduction and/or illegal imprisonment; breaking or entering homes or offices (carried out by the police or unknown individuals); threats made in person or by telephone, uncovered criminal plans; intentionally caused or suspicious "accidents" in relation with political activities; disappearances; and death.

Considering that this data has resulted from only limited investigation, it is surprising to see the significant number of civil servants and opposition leaders who have been victims of violence. Sixty-two cases are listed here, but, unfortunately, the number of unreported cases may be much higher.

Both the degree of violence and the political level that it has reached are causes for alarm. Each of these cases is noteworthy, but, for the sake of illustrating the seriousness of the situation, it should be observed that the son and daughter of the country's two most-important opposition leaders have been victims of dangerous acts of violence. On one hand, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, the son of the PRD's national leader, was cut with a knife. On the other hand, Tatiana Clouthier, the daughter of the PAN presidential candidate (Manuel J.Clouthier), escaped with her life from an intentional automobile accident that ressembled the one in which her father had died. In addition, the list included in this document cites 12 cases of members of the Federal Congress, 11 members of State Congress, 8 mayors, and 2 senators.

It is very common for PRI officials to make light of attempted-murder cases and other grave violations reported to the media by opposition officials. However, it cannot be denied that the cases exposed in the present study deserve more-serious attention on the part of authorities from the governing party. Of the 62 cases listed in this study, 16 (25.8%) resulted in the death of the official or leader, whereas 23 other cases (37.1%) involved attempted murder with a firearm and/or other means and/or assault and battery and/or torture. The combined figures add up to 39 cases (62.9%) that caused either death or physical harm.

The members of some organizations are much more frequent targets of violence. Members of the PRD and related Cardenista groups were the victims of 44 cases (71.0%) of violations. PAN members suffered 6 cases (9.7%) of violations; PRT members, 3 (4.8%); there were two instances of unknown membership; and all other organizations had one case listed.

Though, in all probability, it represents only a limited proportion of the total number of cases, and despite its restriction to elected officials and other opposition leaders, this list is one of the first to be compiled on human-rights violations in Mexico. It is hoped that this information can be expanded and updated as the QCHRM collects more information.

Most human-rights abuses in Mexico occur in the context of electoral conflicts caused by a lack of respect for the voting process and by Mexico's chronic electoral shams. In 1991 and 1992, one federal congressional election took place; fourteen electoral processes were held on the state level; and, as a result of complaints due to irregularities, special elections for municipal councils had to be organized in four states of the federation. In the state of San Luis Potosí alone, such special elections needed to be carried out in five different municipalities.

During this same period, Mexico's National Human Rights Commission, now officially recognized as holding constitutional standing, received 8,918 complaints related to human-rights violations. The Commission has issued 216 recommendations and investigated 55 cases of abuses against journalists [see reference 40]. However, some people consider that the situation has improved. In his Fourth Government Report, Salinas de Gortari states the following:

The National Human Rights Commission has been raised to constitutional standing, and the prescribed law has been drawn up: this strengthens the recommendations issued by the Commission. There are also plans to create similar institutions at each federative level so as to form a national system designed to defend and protect the rights of human beings. Up until the month of September, the National Commission had received 8,918 complaints and resolved 7,834 accusations, more than twice as many as for the same period of last year. This shows that in this institution Mexicans have found an efficient means for advancing the struggle against impunity and defending their rights. I shall support full compliance with its recommendations. I shall allow neither neglect nor pretense.

With great happiness we received the news that the Nobel Peace Prize had been awarded to Rigoberta Menchú, a deeply rooted indigenous Guatemalan who has been a resident of our nation for many years. [reference 41]

Violence against Opposition Political Leaders in Mexico. III/III
Violence against Opposition Political Leaders in Mexico. I/III
Index. Tlahui-Politic No. 2